The British Parliament: House of Lords & House of Commons - Video & Lesson Transcript | ogloszenia-praca.info
May 9, The big decisions that affect how the country is run are made in the House of Commons and the House of Lords. This Newsround guide. Nov 12, In the wake of the Government's defeat on tax credits in the House of Lords, the House of Commons Library has published a briefing paper. The Parliament of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, commonly known The House of Commons is an elected chamber with elections to single member However, the Crown normally acts on the advice of the Prime Minister and the powers of the House of Lords are limited to only delaying.
Standing Order 57 is the third method, which allows a bill to be introduced without debate if a day's notice is given to the Table Office. Filibustering is a danger, as an opponent of a bill can waste much of the limited time allotted to it. Private Members' Bills have no chance of success if the current government opposes them, but they are used in moral issues: Governments can sometimes attempt to use Private Members' Bills to pass things it would rather not be associated with.
Each Bill goes through several stages in each House. The first stage, called the first readingis a formality. At the second readingthe general principles of the bill are debated, and the House may vote to reject the bill, by not passing the motion "That the Bill be now read a second time".
Defeats of Government Bills in the Commons are extremely rare, the last being inand may constitute a motion of no confidence. Defeats of Bills in the Lords never affect confidence and are much more frequent. Following the second reading, the bill is sent to a committee. Each consists of all members of the House; the latter operates under special procedures, and is used only for uncontroversial bills. In the House of Commons, the bill is usually committed to a Public Bill Committee, consisting of between 16 and 50 members, but the Committee of the Whole House is used for important legislation.
Several other types of committees, including Select Committees, may be used, but rarely. A committee considers the bill clause by clause, and reports the bill as amended to the House, where further detailed consideration "consideration stage" or "report stage" occurs. However, a practice which used to be called the "kangaroo" Standing Order 32 allows the Speaker to select which amendments are debated. This device is also used under Standing Order 89 by the committee chairman, to restrict debate in committee.
The Speaker, who is impartial as between the parties, by convention selects amendments for debate which represent the main divisions of opinion within the House.
Other amendments can technically be proposed, but in practice have no chance of success unless the parties in the House are closely divided. If pressed they would normally be casually defeated by acclamation. Once the House has considered the bill, the third reading follows. In the House of Commons, no further amendments may be made, and the passage of the motion "That the Bill be now read a third time" is passage of the whole bill. In the House of Lords further amendments to the bill may be moved.
After the passage of the third reading motion, the House of Lords must vote on the motion "That the Bill do now pass". Following its passage in one House, the bill is sent to the other House. If passed in identical form by both Houses, it may be presented for the Sovereign's Assent.
House of Lords
If one House passes amendments that the other will not agree to, and the two Houses cannot resolve their disagreements, the bill will normally fail. Since the passage of the Parliament Act the power of the House of Lords to reject bills passed by the House of Commons has been restricted, with further restrictions were placed by the Parliament Act If the House of Commons passes a public bill in two successive sessions, and the House of Lords rejects it both times, the Commons may direct that the bill be presented to the Sovereign for his or her Assent, disregarding the rejection of the Bill in the House of Lords.
In each case, the bill must be passed by the House of Commons at least one calendar month before the end of the session. The provision does not apply to Private Bills bills or to Public bills if they originated in the House of Lords or if they seek to extend the duration of a Parliament beyond five years. A special procedure applies in relation to bills classified by the Speaker of the House of Commons as "Money Bills".
A Money Bill concerns solely national taxation or public funds; the Speaker's certificate is deemed conclusive under all circumstances. By ancient custom, the House of Lords may not introduce a bill relating to taxation or Supplynor amend a bill so as to insert a provision relating to taxation or Supply, nor amend a Supply Bill in any way.
The House of Commons is free to waive this privilege, and sometimes does so to allow the House of Lords to pass amendments with financial implications. The House of Lords remains free to reject bills relating to Supply and taxation, but may be over-ruled easily if the bills are Money Bills.
A bill relating to revenue and Supply may not be a Money Bill if, for example, it includes subjects other than national taxation and public funds.
The last stage of a bill involves the granting of the Royal Assent. Theoretically, the Sovereign may either grant or withhold Royal Assent make the bill a law or veto the bill.
The last refusal to grant the Assent was inwhen Queen Anne withheld her Assent from a bill "for the settling of Militia in Scotland", in the words "La reyne s'avisera" the Queen will think it over.
Thus, every bill obtains the assent of all three components of Parliament before it becomes law except where the House of Lords is over-ridden under the Parliament Acts and These words are known as the enacting formula.
Judicial functions[ edit ] Prior to the creation of the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom inParliament was the highest court in the realm for most purposes, but the Privy Council had jurisdiction in some cases for instance, appeals from ecclesiastical courts. The jurisdiction of Parliament arose from the ancient custom of petitioning the Houses to redress grievances and to do justice.
The House of Commons ceased considering petitions to reverse the judgements of lower courts ineffectively leaving the House of Lords as the court of last resort. In modern times, the judicial functions of the House of Lords were performed not by the whole House, but by the Lords of Appeal in Ordinary judges granted life peerage dignities under the Appellate Jurisdiction Act and by Lords of Appeal other peers with experience in the judiciary.
However, under the Constitutional Reform Actthese judicial functions were transferred to the newly created Supreme Court inand the Lords of Appeal in Ordinary became the first Justices of the Supreme Court.
Peers who hold high judicial office are no longer allowed to vote or speak in the Lords until they retire as justices.
In the late 19th century, Acts allowed for the appointment of Scottish Lords of Appeal in Ordinary and ended appeal in Scottish criminal matters to the House of Lords, so that the High Court of Justiciary became the highest criminal court in Scotland.
There is an argument that the provisions of Article XIX of the Union with England Act prevent any Court outside Scotland from hearing any appeal in criminal cases: The Supreme Court now usually has at least three Scottish judges, together with at least two from Northern Ireland.
As Wales is developing its own judicature, it is likely that the same principle will be applied. Certain other judicial functions have historically been performed by the House of Lords. Untilit was the body in which peers had to be tried for felonies or high treason ; now, they are tried by normal juries. The last occasion of the trial of a peer in the House of Lords was in When the House of Commons impeaches an individual, the trial takes place in the House of Lords.
Exactly who was eligible to sit as a Member of the Commons was clear in principle. Catholics and clergymen, convicted felons, foreigners, mayors and sheriffs returning themselves and minors were legally excluded, as were women by strict convention. Some legal figures like the Judges of the Exchequer and the Attorney General after were barred too. But some recusants did sit despite the requirement that they take the oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance as did a handful of men in holy orders and a few minors.
Outlaws and non-residents routinely avoided exclusion as did most mayors. Resignation from the House was almost impossible but a small number of members were expelled for offences considered too reprehensible to be tolerated. The anti-Scottish sentiments of the first two Jacobean Parliaments faded by the s when Scots who had been naturalised and holders of Scottish titles were admitted.
Once, moreover, the House won control over returns after the Goodwin versus Fortescue dispute init was able to restore representation to boroughs that had lost their members over time despite royal reluctance and misgivings over the physical capacity available to accommodate them. Some like Sir Maurice Berkeley in or the Wynns of Gwydir in Caernarvonshire did so for reasons of local prestige. But there were drawbacks as well: Careers could be advanced as Henry Yelverton belatedly found after or retarded as another lawyer, William Hakewill, discovered.
There were always those like Sir John Scudamore in who could not serve even if they wanted to and others like Sir William Spencer in the same year who did not wish to do so. Even so, the number of electoral contests on the day rose from an estimated seven in to about 35 in Delays in delivering writs occurred occasionally and the illegal use of blank indentures of return — for example, at Bossiney in — was widespread. Sheriffs sometimes failed to tell county courts in advance that writs had arrived and changed customary venues for partisan advantage as happened in Norfolk in Urban corporations tried with increasing difficulty to restrict voting rights and to exclude freemen in some cases.
Canvassing was common in contested county elections and the use of agents to solicit support was commonplace. Early Stuart candidates and their supporters even used smear tactics — accusations of recusancy were an effective ploy.
Where a seat was controlled by a patron, he or she would need to be consulted by a candidate: Whatever the failings of the electoral process and the inadequate record of the Privileges Committee in reaching decisions over disputed elections, voter participation apparently grew.
The study of the electoral process and of patronage has been placed on new foundations. The subsequent analysis of the composition of the House, a previously neglected topic, is equally rewarding.
A significant number of members did, however, lack discernible offices when elected. On the other hand, they were generally well educated with almost half having attended Oxford or Cambridge universities and over half one of the Inns of Court.
There is also helpful material on the fall in the number of merchants sitting until and on the contraction in the number of Catholics being returned by that date.
Some members were undoubtedly wealthy landowners or merchants while others were of humble origins and relatively poor or deeply indebted like Sir John Sammes. Client groups are, however, difficult to detect as the cases of the two Howards, the 1st Earls of Nottingham and Suffolk, suggest: On the topography of the House, on the stairs leading up to it, the lobby and the committee chamber, all susceptible to overcrowding, new illumination is provided.Who is in the House of Lords? Jump Start
The burdens borne by successive Speakers and their servants, the Clerk of the Commons and the Serjeant-at-Arms, are explored in some detail. One of the best chapters in the survey volume covers the rules that governed speechmaking and the processes of debate.
Sometimes, of course, these conventions were broken. Examples of heckling and hissing did occur and finger-pointing was not unknown. Members who went too far in criticising the King or defaming the Commons were likely to be punished. Those who spoke briefly or clearly or wittily could expect to be praised. Here one gets the best sense of the House as a debating institution with collective attitudes, better even than in the individual biographies where it is difficult to tell what the order of speeches was or how they influenced the course of debates.
The working arrangements of the Commons changed significantly in this period. Members in began their days at 8 a. Holidays and adjournments were usually free from business.
By the s, an increasing workload of prospective legislation and petitions meant that some committees met at 7 a. Committees of the whole House in which the chair was taken by someone other than the Speaker became a permanent feature of business from Smaller committees had to meet when and where they could in the law courts in and off Westminster Hall or in the Inns of Court.
For willing members it could be a time-consuming process lasting weeks or months on end. Some predictably found heavier duties less attractive. The demands of local office as Justices of the Peace were liable to draw a proportion of members away from Westminster.
Differences between the House of Lords and House of Commons - CBBC Newsround
Professional lawyers were bound to be tempted to work in the law courts of Westminster Hall and to the summer and winter assizes in the provinces whatever the House or, on occasion, the King demanded.
Members do, however, appear to have been more conscientious in attendance by the s: No bills were passed in and only one, the Subsidy Bill, in Most bills were private ones sponsored by individuals or companies or corporations. How such bills were commended to the Speaker or the House, the stages of their progress and voting procedures in committees are carefully explained. There were distractions too as impeachment cases became more important in the s. Those with grievances turned increasingly to presenting petitions to the House - two in65 in — and the Commons itself made greater use of petitions to the King to ensure that their explicit concerns were directly expressed to James and Charles.
This was simpler than trying to pass remedial legislation through the House of Lords and onwards for royal assent. The two Houses and successive kings did, nonetheless, have matters to discuss with one another through the mechanisms of audiences and conferences.
James had considerable confidence in his own powers of persuasion but his efforts were often unavailing as his attempts to intervene in the Goodwin versus Fortescue case and over discussions with convocation, both inshowed.
The degree to which what was to be said on behalf of the lower House was planned varied but members who exceeded their remit were open to censure after reporting back.
Inthe Parliament Act reduced the delaying power of the House of Lords further to two sessions or one year. Inthe predominantly hereditary nature of the House of Lords was changed by the Life Peerages Actwhich authorised the creation of life baronies, with no numerical limits.
The number of Life Peers then gradually increased, though not at a constant rate. The Labour Party had for most of the 20th century a commitment, based on the party's historic opposition to class privilege, to abolish the House of Lords, or at least expel the hereditary element. Inthe Labour Government of Harold Wilson attempted to reform the House of Lords by introducing a system under which hereditary peers would be allowed to remain in the House and take part in debate, but would be unable to vote.
This plan, however, was defeated in the House of Commons by a coalition of traditionalist Conservatives such as Enoch Powelland Labour members who continued to advocate the outright abolition of the Upper House such as Michael Foot.
When Michael Foot became leader of the Labour Party inabolition of the House of Lords became a part of the party's agenda; under his successor, Neil Kinnockhowever, a reformed Upper House was proposed instead. In the meantime, the creation of hereditary peerages except for members of the Royal Family has been arrested, with the exception of three creations during the administration of the Conservative Margaret Thatcher in the s.
Whilst some hereditary peers were at best apathetic, the Labour Party's clear commitments were not lost on Merlin Hanbury-Tracy, 7th Baron Sudeleywho for decades was considered an expert on the House of Lords.
Reform of the House of Lords First admission of women[ edit ] There were no women sitting in the House of Lords untilwhen a small number came into the chamber as a result of the Life Peerages Act One of these was Irene Curzon, 2nd Baroness Ravensdalewho had inherited her father's peerage in and was made a life peer to enable her to sit.
After a campaign stretching back in some cases to the s, another twelve women who held hereditary peerages in their own right were finally admitted by the Peerage Act The Labour Government introduced legislation to expel all hereditary peers from the Upper House as a first step in Lords reform.
As a part of a compromise, however, it agreed to permit 92 hereditary peers to remain until the reforms were complete. Thus all but 92 hereditary peers were expelled under the House of Lords Act see below for its provisionsmaking the House of Lords predominantly an appointed house. Sincehowever, no further reform has taken place. Socialist MPs favouring outright abolition voted against all the options. Most of the remainder were to be appointed by a Commission to ensure a mix of "skills, knowledge and experience".
This proposal was also not implemented. A cross-party campaign initiative called " Elect the Lords " was set up to make the case for a predominantly elected Second Chamber in the run up to the general election. At the election, the Labour Party proposed further reform of the Lords, but without specific details. Duringa cross-party committee discussed Lords reform, with the aim of reaching a consensus: Significantly this last vote represented an overall majority of MPs.
But this was nevertheless only an indicative vote and many political and legislative hurdles remained to be overcome for supporters of an elected second chamber. The House of Lords, soon after, rejected this proposal and voted for an entirely appointed House of Lords. It goes on to explain that there is cross-party consensus for the new chamber to be titled the "Senate of the United Kingdom"; however, to ensure the debate remains on the role of the upper house rather than its title, the white paper is neutral on the title of the new house.
On 30 Novembera Code of Conduct for Members of the House of Lords was agreed by them; certain amendments were agreed by them on 30 March and on 12 June The House of Lords, she argues, currently has enough power to make it relevant.
During Tony Blair's first year, he was defeated 38 times in the Lords. Secondly, as to the composition of the Lords, Meg Russell suggests that the composition must be distinct from the Commons, otherwise it would render the Lords useless. The third feature is the perceived legitimacy of the Lords. She writes, "In general legitimacy comes with election. If this happens, then the perceived legitimacy of the Lords could arguably outweigh the legitimacy of the Commons.
This would especially be the case if the House of Lords had been elected more recently than the House of Commons as it could be said to reflect the will of the people better than the Commons. This would in turn trigger questions about the amount of power the Lords should have and there would be pressure for it to increase.
This hypothetical process is known as the "circumnavigation of power theory". It implies that it would never be in any government's interest to legitimise the Lords, as they would be forfeiting their own power. These proposals sparked a debate on 29 June